Volume 20 Number 70 Produced: Wed Jul 26 21:54:43 1995 Subjects Discussed In This Issue: Following Orders [Carl Sherer] Kavod Hatorah ve'Lomde'ha [Michael J Broyde] Pikuah Nefesh & Pluralism; Eliahu [Richard Friedman] Rabbinic Ruling on Forbidding Evacuation [Yehuda Gellman] ---------------------------------------------------------------------- From: <adina@...> (Carl Sherer) Date: Sun, 23 Jul 95 22:24:24 IDT Subject: Following Orders This post is in response to Kenneth Posy's post of July 19. Unfortunately I no longer have the original post on my system. Kenneth suggested that the psak of the Rabbanim that I had raised earlier was based on two issues - mitzvas yishuv haaretz and lo saamod al dam reecha (the mitzva to settle the land of Israel and not to stand by thy brother's blood). He asked where the Rambam talks of a positive command to settle the land of Israel. This is actually a very interesting issue because the Rambam does not cite the mitzva of settling the land in his Sefer Hamitzvos (where he lists the 613 biblical commandments). The Ramban takes him to task for this (see the fourth Mitvat Aseh - positive commandment - which the Ramban cites as having been "forgotten" by the Rambam, citing Devarim 15:22), yet it is not at all clear that the Rambam did *not* hold that the mitzva of settling Eretz Yisrael is a Torah mitzvah (see, for example, the Rambam in Hilchos Ishus 13:17-19 in which he paskens like the Gemara in Ksuvos that a man and woman who are married to each other may each force the other to move to Israel or end the marriage; or more impressively in Hilchos Shabbos 6:11 in which he permits one who buys a house from a non-Jew in Israel to tell the non-Jew to write a contract of sale because the Rabbinic edict against telling a non-Jew to violate the Sabbath for you does not apply against the Mitzva of settling Eretz Yisrael - BTW he specifically *in*cludes Suria - see below). The post referred to the holiness of Suria being only Rabbinical. The Gemara in Gittin 8a-8b gives a list of six items - in three of which Suria is like Eretz Yisrael (has laws of tithes and shviis (sabbatical of the land), one may come into it "betahara" (without becoming impure) and buying a field in it is like buying a field around Jerusalem (i.e. it is permitted to tell a non-Jew to write a deed for land in Suria on Shabbos), and in three of which it is not like Eretz Yisrael (its earth is impure, one who brings a divorce decree from Suria is treated as if he brought it from outside Eretz Yisrael, and one who sells his slave to someone in Suria is as if he sold him to someone outside Eretz Yisrael). The Rambam in Hilchos Trumos 1:4 comments "Vehacol be-Suria midivrei sofrim" (and all dealing with Suria is from the Rabbis). Thus it would appear that Suria's holiness is only Rabbinic. As to the issur of lo sa'amod, the post refers to the issur as applying only to not taking action that could save someone from a dangerous situation and not applying to taking action that would put them into a dangerous situation. It strikes me that if one is required to save someone who is in a dangerous situation when he is able to do so, then kal vachomer it is not permitted to *put* him into a dangerous situation. (Sorry, I can't think of a concise translation for kal vachomer - maybe the moderator can?). [It is surely the case - literally it means "easy and hard" I think, i.e. from the "easy" case we learn that it must surely be true for the hard case. Mod.] Lastly, as to one side or the other being held liable if they do not see the danger in the situation, as I think I stated in the post that started this thread, without interjecting one's own political views and without suspecting either side of impure motives, I believe that the situation can best be characterized as a safek pikuach nefesh (a doubtful case of danger to lives) in *both* directions. Now we have a rule that we are "machmir" (stricter) in safek pikuach nefesh. How is one machmir in such a case? One possibility would be to say that in such a case where one has doubts as to the proper course of action and either course of action is fraught with its own dangers the best solution might be "shev v'al taseh" (sit still and do neither). This would mean leaving the status quo as is. Now I will grant that in some sense this would be giving one "side" a "victory" if you will, but until there is a clear indication that taking action *would* save lives (something which I, as someone living in Israel for the last four years, have yet to see) I would submit that the proper halachic course of action is not to do anything beyadayim (with our own hands) to change the situation. -- Carl Sherer Adina and Carl Sherer You can reach us both at: <adina@...> ---------------------------------------------------------------------- From: Michael J Broyde <relmb@...> Date: Tue, 25 Jul 1995 08:57:38 -0400 (EDT) Subject: Kavod Hatorah ve'Lomde'ha Yechezkal-Shimon Gutfreund writes: > What kind of person would look for excuses to permit someone to entice a > nazer to drink wine? Fine, halachically, the enticer might be potur, > d'oreisa, or d'rabbanen, but sof-sof, who wants to aid another Jew to do > an avairah? The term "what kind of person" in the context of the psak of an eminent rosh yeshiva, even one that one does not agree with is inappropariate. On a substantive level for examples of other poskim who look for reasons (most to make money for Jews) to aid a siner, see Shach YD 151:6, Dagul Mevevavah YD 151:6, Rav Yakov Ettlinger Binyion Zion 1:15, Rav Naphtali Tzvi Yehuda Berlin, Masiv Davar 2:32, Rav Moshe Feinstein YD 1:72, Rav Ovadia Yosef, Yechaveh Daat 3:38 and many many more who outline the paramaters of when one may help a Jew sin merely to make money. Certainly Rav Amital's motives are to save the Jewish state and the lives of its inhabitant and his motives should not be villified, as was done by the above poster. (Again, that does not mean that Rav Amital's analysis is correct; it certainly is not way out of line, however) Rabbi Michael Broyde ---------------------------------------------------------------------- From: Richard Friedman <RF@...> Date: 25 Jul 1995 12:12:12 GMT Subject: Pikuah Nefesh & Pluralism; Eliahu 1. In MJ 20:63, Carl Sherer proposes a standard for when an observant soldier should be allowed to perform m'lacha (labor normally prohibited on Shabbat) on Shabbat because of pikuah nefesh (saving life). He would allow guarding a political leader's home, and apparently guarding the leader when he/she leaves home on a mission that was itself halachically permissible (e.g., traveling to a Cabinet meeting for national security purposes), but he would not allow the observant soldier to guard the leader when the leader traveled without such justification (e.g., traveling to the beach -- I will put aside the example of traveling to meet with Arafat, which is pure political tendentiousness on Mr. Sherer's part.) This is a very perturbing standard, which deserves closer scrutiny. I'll assume, as Mr. Sherer does, that guarding a political leader qualifies as pikuah nefesh so as to permit performing m'lacha on Shabbat (traveling by car, carrying military paraphernalia). My concern is, why does it become less permissible to guard the leader's life just because the leader is violating Shabbat? I think this is not only of questionable logic, but it raises serious concerns for the relationships between halachically observant Jews and non-observant Jews in the same society and polity. On the first score, if the justification for the soldier to travel is to prevent or discourage an attack on the official's life, why does that justification disappear merely because the official is engaged in activity that the halacha forbids? If the official goes to the beach, is he/she in less danger? Or perhaps, is his/her blood less red because he/she violates halacha? How does this distinction relate to R. Michael Broyde's suggestion, in MJ 20:64, that it should be permissible to suggest to a non-observant Jew who is bent on driving at night but has his/her lights off, that he/she turn the lights on, because of the danger to life? On the second score, it seems to amount to the observant community's saying that it will save the life of the authorized, democratically-elected leaders of the society only if they comply with halacha. It is one thing for observant Jews to insist, in their dealings with non-observant Jews, that social relationships be structured in ways that allow the observant to fulfill _their_ obligations as they understand them. It is also entirely appropriate for observant Jews to express to the non-observant their (the observant Jews') opinions that the non-observant ought to follow halacha also. But it is not tolerable in civil society for the observant to say that they will carry out what are otherwise their obligations only if the non-observant follow halacha. There will be situations where the violation by the non-observant Jew has direct halachic implications for the observant one. One example, though probably not the best, is kashrut -- when practicality requires having a single food supply, observant Jews can legitimately insist that it be a kosher one. But if there is any religious value at all in having observant and non-observant Jews co-exist and cooperate in a single society, we ought to be very cautious about definitions of our obligations that effectively make demands of religion or observance on others. 2. Eliahu. In MJ 20:65, David Steinberg, while citing a source saying that Eliahu was a Gadi, refers to a previous posting by Moshe Kimelman on sources saying that Eliahu was a Kohen. Does anyone have at hand a citation to Mr. Kimelman's posting, or can anyone (re)cite those sources? Richard Friedman <rf@...> ---------------------------------------------------------------------- From: <GELLMAN@...> (Yehuda Gellman) Date: Tue, 25 Jul 95 6:32 +0200 Subject: Rabbinic Ruling on Forbidding Evacuation A statement of the Rav, ZT"L, is being cited these days against the recent psak of the Rabbis forbidding evacuation from the territories. The Rav is reported to have said that political matters should be left to the experts and should not be the domain of the Rabbis. Since this statement does not support the purported present conclusion it is important that the use of it for that purpose be given a reasoned reply. Before giving that reply, however, I wish to state that in principle I was in favor of territorial compromise in Yehudah and Shomron for the sake of peace, but am in fact strongly against the specific course of the present Israeli government. In the present instance, in the main the military experts are not in favor of the impending agreement on withdrawal. Two weeks ago Prime Minister Rabin himself publicly stated on two occasions that the army was not in favor of the present withdrawal, but that since the political echelons are the ones who make the decisions, he is over-riding the military. Ehud Barak, the previous Chief of Staff, testified strongly against the Oslo agreement before a knesset committee when he was Chief of Staff. And the Chief of Staff before him, Dan Shomron, this week presented his objections to the present withdrawal on security grounds, and proposed an alternative plan. So if we are going to go with the military experts, a good case can be made for not implementing the proposed withdrawal. With regard to the political experts, the importation of the Rav's trusting remarks from America, and pre-Watergate America at that, to present-day Israeli politics is unjustified. Sad to say, Israeli politics, on both the left and right, exudes an odor of at times embarrassingly excessive self-interest and of stubbornness due to ideological mind-sets; what we call in plain Hebrew, "negiot." This was tragically exemplified in the infamous "concepcia" which prevented us from being adequately prepared for the Egyptian attack in 1973. And it is cause for suspicion of the present government, which gives the impression at times of blatantly mixing the question of the fate of the nation with the question of the ruling party and its leaders and of being captive to its own "concepcia," whether or not related to reality as it is. In addition, in America there is, or used to be, a consensus on the broader moral issues and on the very essence of what the country, the United States of America, is all about, so that broadly speaking the political experts could be relied on for the broad issues. In Israel there is no such consensus, except at the most ephemeral, abstract levels. Other than that, there are deep and broad value divisions in this country. Included in this value strife is a sense of there being different ways of evaluating the sanctity of life and there being different ways of evaluating the meaning of Jewish history for our present existence. These perceived value differences erupted into the open last week when the organizers of the Arad festival decided to go ahead with it after children were trampled to death and others were fighting for their lives, a decision warmly supported by some and roundly condemned by others. On one side of this value opposition is a sense of a general decline in traditional values in Israeli society. This is especially strongly felt by the religious community, haredi and leumi alike, although not exclusively by them. Many pronouncements, not directly related to the political process, by prominent members of the present government are perceived as expressing and being glaring symptoms of this decline in traditional values. It becomes natural, even if not always justified, to then suspect that political agendas defended by those very same people are themselves motivated by a similar decline in traditional values. So why should religious people and religious leaders who have their own very clear traditional values and sense of Jewish history which they perceive to be in gross opposition to those of the present government even think of letting the decisions of these political "experts" go unchallenged? To think otherwise seems to display an unfortunate even if excusable naivete about the reality of Israeli life and Israeli politics. This is not a defence of the Rabbi's psak. There may be other, good, reasons for opposing it. I am not discussing those here. But I am concerned to argue that one cannot get to support of the present government by a simple invocation of the Rav's dictum, and one might very well get to an opposition to it, instead. Yehuda Gellman ----------------------------------------------------------------------
End of Volume 20 Issue 70