Volume 27 Number 48 Produced: Fri Jan 2 6:19:22 1998 Subjects Discussed In This Issue: Pidyon Shevuyim [Tszvi Klugerman] star notes in the Mishnah Berurah [Michael J Broyde] Synagogue on Top of Town [Shlomo Pick] Who's on First? : Rishonim and Acharonim [Mechy Frankel] ---------------------------------------------------------------------- From: Tszvi Klugerman <Klugerman@...> Date: Thu, 1 Jan 1998 12:39:33 EST Subject: Re: Pidyon Shevuyim In MJ 27:4 Saul Newman <Saul.Z.Newman@...> asked What are the parameters today of the mitzva of pidyon shevuyim (redeeming the ransomed)? >> The commandment of pidyon shevuyim , classically appiied to the Jew held captive for the capricious whim of his captor or for monetary gain. The Radbaz, R' David ben Avrahma Avi Zimra (16 th century) dealt with some of the issues regarding these forms of captivity. The Babylonian Talmud in Masechet Baba Batra calls this commandment a 'Mitzvah Rabbah' a great commandment. However, the term 'shvuyim' -captives is not 'asurim' -prisoners. The Rambam (Matnot Aniyim 8:10), and Shulchan Aruch use the term 'shvuyim'. These were Jews ransomed for profit. Someone who breaks the law, IMHO, would be akin to the person discussed in the Babylonian Talmud, Masechet Gittin, 46b , who sells himself and places himself in captivity, which also meant danger. The Talmud teaches us not to redeem them. Knowingly breaking the law is inviting the authorities to place the criminal under arrest. The Talmud continues with the problem of a man who also sells his children along with him, thereby putting them at the mercy of another. There the Talmud demands that we redeem the children because of the possibility of their being influenced to leave Judaism (Rashi "mishum kilkula") or the possibility of their being killed. The Siftei Cohen (SHACH) on the Shulchan Aruch Yoreh Deah 252:3 (5) brings in the quality of shmirah, guarding them or protecting them , both spritiualy and physically. IMHO if the prisoner were in danger of "losing their religion" or their life then we might have to save them, in defiance of the ruling authority. But where we have a guarantee of religious observance and the entitlement to protection of life and limb in the justice system, than we probably have no obligation to redeem this prisoner. If however, it could be proven that the prisoner was unfairly sentenced or was used as an example for others in order to deter similar crimes, then IMHO we would have a obligation to obtain the release of the prisoner after a fair sentence was served. However, having visited Jewish prisoners in a minimum security prison I would like to cite a different source. Life as a lone Jew in a society or as part of a significant minority of Jews is difficult in the world in general. In the hostile environment of a prison it is even more so. The Talmud in SHabbat 133b brings the teaching of Abba Shaul. namely that of Imitatio Dei. Ma Hu Chanun VeRachum AF ata Heyeh Rachum Ve CHanun. Just as HE is merciful and compassionate, so should you be merciful and compassionate. I am not advocating, God forbid, a disregard for the Justice system of the United States of America, Just that we try to provide for the spiritual and physical safety of our brethren "Kol Beit Yisrael" while our fellow Jews who have erred pay their debt to the Country/society that has been so open to us. tszvi ---------------------------------------------------------------------- From: Michael J Broyde <mbroyde@...> Date: Wed, 31 Dec 1997 21:08:45 -0500 (EST) Subject: star notes in the Mishnah Berurah A goodly number of people have written to me with comments on the * notes in the mishnah berurah, and I write back to report as follows: There are no less than 19 * notes in the MB, which cover five categories. 1. Dina Dimalchuta Dina issues 2(12), 200(30), 307(17), 329(17), 339(11), 409(BH) All of these notes are in the first eddition of the MB. 2. Mussar Issues 25(1), 128(44), 428(2) All of these notes are in the first edition of the MB. 3. Jew Gentile Issues 224(15), 330(8). 330(8) is not in the first edition, but was added in the lifetime of the Chafetz Chaim (when exactly, I cannot tell). I woul appreciate help on finding the first eddition when this change occurs. By 1932 it is there. 4. Retraction/Correction 158(5), 428(BH). 158(5) was added in the third edition of the MB (1915), and is missing from the first two. 5. Typeset Issues 233(1), 340(1), 342(BH), 539(BH), 559(ST) 560(Bhe) All of these are in the first edition. Michael J. Broyde Emory University School of Law Atlanta, GA 30322 Voice: 404 727-7546; Fax 404 727-3374 ---------------------------------------------------------------------- From: Shlomo Pick <picksh@...> Date: Thu, 1 Jan 1998 18:11:28 +0200 (WET) Subject: Re: Synagogue on Top of Town re: shlomo godick's quote from R.C. Mishkovski concerning the machloket in kiryat sefer (in the name of R. A"L Steinman). It's interesting that in the Israeli press and radio this week of chanuka, the great machloket in the Ponevezh yeshiva is being played up. Both the students who were placed into nidui which was confirmed by R. Nissim Karelitz and the disagreement among the roshei yeshiva. Needless to say, that Vishnitz has also had its share of machloket and their dirty laundry has been aired in the secular israeli press also. Interestingly, you did not mention the Slobadka yeshiva, of which I am not aware of any makhloket. I would be a bit skeptical of those who profess to "know" the workings of God (according the spelling of the Rav zt"l) [although you did not say this specifically, it is quite implied in the posting - quoting gedolei yisrael why this tragedy happens] - one needs demonstrated "ruach hakodesh" to suggest these things. Shlomo Pick of Bnei Brak Ra'm Be-Machon Hagavoah Le-Torah Bar-Ilan University Ramat-Gan, Israel ---------------------------------------------------------------------- From: Mechy Frankel <FRANKEL@...> Date: Wed, 31 Dec 1997 21:53:26 +0000 (GMT) Subject: Who's on First? : Rishonim and Acharonim likayeim bisheim omiro, apologies to Laurel and Hardy - or was that Abbott and Costello? 1. My daughter had/has a problem with her high school jewish history course which I'd like to throw out to the mj community for reaction or help. It concerns her teacher's representation of the temporal boundary between the rishonic and acharonic periods, and specifically the status of the Mechaber, R. Y. Karo. Of course this issue is not just one of proper historical taxonomy in an academic sense but has practical halakhic implications bound up in the general issue of relative authority and who is allowed, at least in theory, to dispute the halakhic opinion of whom - after the paradigm of amoroim not being allowed, one on one, to dispute tanoim. This is halakhically bound up as well with the principle that halokhoh kibasroi - (which is a convoluted subject all by itself which I don't propose to review here - though readers interested in the stages of evolution of this concept may want to look at Tashma's topical article in Halakha Minhag U'Mitziut BiAshkenaz:1100-1350, Magnes Press) with the Alshikh's formulation - that halokhoh kibasroi is applicable only within a halakhic era, such as later amoroim vs earlier ones, but is not applicable across halakhic eras, i.e. an acharon may not, one on one, dispute a rishon - still holding up pretty well a few hundred years later. In any event her teacher told her that the period of Rishonim extends right through the beginning of the 16th century, with R. Yosef Karo and his Shulchon Aruch marking the end of this halakhic period. She was surprised by this, as I was, since we had previously discussed related matters and shared en passant what I until then naively thought was the universal persrspective that the period of rishonim poops out by the mid 1300s - basically with the black death driven upheavals in Europe -with sefardim a somewhat ill defined later but certainly well prior to the Mechaber. 2. I've since experienced two surprise reality checks to show that her teacher's opinion was based on some more widespread perception. The first occurred during parent conferences when I noticed a glossy printed poster on the wall with a timeline on it, which, sure enough, counted the Shulchon Aruch as a rishon. The second came last month as my daughter was reviewing some her older sister's old Michlala notes - while preparing for her own Michlala interview/test - and again, there it was - the Michlala teacheress had indeed taught her class that the Shulchon Aruch was a rishon. And while neither of these latter two data points constitutes what you might call a source to be reckoned with, clearly there's something more afoot out there. 3. Without reviewing the whole matter here, it should be said that the conception that European rishonim end with the black death rests on two generic arguments. A: The first is in the voluminously documented self recognition by the first generations following the black death and its attendent pogroms and upheavals, of their lowered status as compared with the generations prior to the "gizeiros" (as they were known in the literature.) The following (Maharil, simon 67) being pretty typical "zeh hamichaber hoyoh qodem hagizeiros she'yoduoh she'oz hoyu gionei eretz..kilum yeish bidor hazeh she'yochol li'fakpek bozeh..-this author lived before the gizeiros when there were great talmidei chachomim..which fact no one of this generation would dispute". 15h century Ashkenzi rabbis such as Maharil (actually got started in 14th), Mahari Weill, Maharik (ok so he's italian) all stressed that their generation could not dispute decisions of the earlier ones. (see Dinari's "Chachmei Ashkenaz Bishalhei Yimei Habaynayim", Mosad Bialik, for extensive documentation of this generational self-perception that a new halakhic era had commenced). They and other contemporaries are also frequently and tellingly referred to by subsequent generations of halakhic literature as "gidolei ho'acharonim" B: The other line of reasoning considers what the generations following the Shulchon Aruch considered his staus and authority relative aknowledged rishonim to be. Thus, e.g., the Alshikh (simon 39) writing of the Maharik - who died before the Mechaber was even born - takes it for granted that he can not be given halakhic precedence as basroi compared to Tosephos since he already lived in a different halakhic era, i.e. he was an acharon. And lest this and many other data points be waved off as before-the-consensus sentiments, consider the very modern - and Mechaber partisan at that- Yabia Omer (intro to orach chayim, chelek 5) who, referencing the comfortably 1300's Ritvoh and Ran, refers to them as "acharonei ho'rishonim" who took halakhic precedence because they had before them all the works of the rishonim. In an enlightening early demonstration of the power of computers to contribute to the halakhic discourse, (as if mj weren't enough) R. Y. Pitchenik published (Shonoh BiShonoh, 1983) a computerized survey of the responsa literature (available at an earlier stage of the Bar Ilan project which at that time included a searchable digitized archive of about 100 of the better known shailos and tishuvos) and searched for all the actual references by poskim to their predecessor-generation poskim and their halakhic categorization as either rishonim or acharonim. The conclusion is both forced and unassailable. To quote Pitchenik's article "The last of the Ashkenazic rishonim that we've found is the Sefer Agudoh (d. 1349), in Ashkenaz we also find the gidolei ho'acharonim beginning with the Maharil (b. 1360),... the era of the rishonim in Ashkenaz ends around 1350". In sefard we find (a few) references to rishonim up to 90 years later - included in this category are the Nimukei Yosef, Ribash, Abudraham, and Rashbetz - but all such references peter out comfortably before the Mechaber was born. As well, in another summary article Yoveil (Tsiyon, 1968) reviews the arguments for identifying the end of this halakhic era, and also arrives at the butressed by the literature conclusion, mostly an examination of the self perception of the 15th century gidolim, that it ends with the black death. 4. It is worth emphasizing as well that the enormous samchus of the Mechaber's Shulchon Aruch (at least in confluence with its' penumbral Remoh, Mogen Avrohom, Shach, Taz -are they supposed to be rishonim too?) is quite clearly due to his contemporaries' and successors' appreciation of the Mechaber as a great posek, not because of a greater status of someone belonging to the previous rishonic era of gidolim. Again R. Obadiah Yosef's Yabia Omer (intro to orach chayim chelek 5) makes this crystal clear as he quotes approvingly from another sefardic poseq that "shem'maiahar shem'maran zal hu mara d'atrah wi'qibbalnu horo'atav, harei dibarav huqbi'u aleinu li'hobah bi'chol dinei torah ki'qulotav wi'ki'humirotav..wi'afilu rabbim holiqim alav - since Maran z"l is the the accepted halakhic authority in the land and we have accepted his decisions, his words are incumbent on us for all matters whether for leniency or stingency..and even if many dispute him" (note 1: given the identity of this quotee, I didn't feel right deploying my usual ashkenazic transliterational prejudices here, note 2: Sefardic sources refer to the Mechaber as "Maran", a notrikon for "Matayim Rabbanim Nismah", i.e. a tradition that 200 then-contemporary rabbonim agreed to his decisions). 5. After writing the above paragraphs I checked the Encyclopedia Judaica's take on this issue and found an odd position which ties the end of the rishonim to the institution of the ashkenazi simichoh in the mid 1400s with the last rishonim in this scheme being the Terumas Hadeshen and R. Y. Moellin. For good or ill measure i then looked in our local bookstore at the Art Scroll publication entitled "The Rishonim" which is composed of very short summary biographies and includes a number of the the 15th century gidolim in the rishonim count. While the arguments for placing the end of the rishonim a 100 years earlier, cited in the third paragraph, are not addressed and still seem unassailable, at least neither of these (the scholarly EJ or popular Art Scroll), count R. Y. Karo as a rishon. 6. So my problem. This seemingly widespread notion , that R. Y. Karo was a rishon -, shared at a minimum by my daughter's history teacher, her school board poster, and at least one Michlala lecturer, where did it come from? Is there any halakhic authority who espoused such a view? - they're the only ones to whom this matters operationally and should be the only ones whose vote counts, which is why Pichenik's and Yoveil's conclusions seem so convincing - and how common is this perception? The urgency here is not quite up there with bringing world peace or a truly drinkable diet cola, but any insight would be duly appreciated. Mechy Frankel W: (703) 325-1277 <frankel@...> H: (301) 593-3949 ----------------------------------------------------------------------
End of Volume 27 Issue 48