Volume 55 Number 02 Produced: Mon Jun 18 6:29:17 EDT 2007 Subjects Discussed In This Issue: Agunot/Msorevet Leget (3) [David Mescheloff, Chana Luntz, Joseph Kaplan] ---------------------------------------------------------------------- From: David Mescheloff <david_mescheloff@...> Date: Fri, 15 Jun 2007 07:20:42 -0700 (PDT) Subject: Agunot/Msorevet Leget Chana Luntz wrote in her customary carefully thought out fashion on some points relating to this topic. I have been teaching Jewish Family Law and Custom for several decades, including this topic, and have written at length on various aspects of it, including in one of my doctoral dissertations (I really must edit it for publication). I would like to relate here briefly to three of the issues that she addressed. 1 - Chana addresses the question, "How can we understand, at least partially, why Hashem changed the egalitarian legal relationship between man and woman that He provided for non-Jews to the asymmetric one He gave us. Chana's hesitantly suggested idea is interesting, yet I don't think that's it. May I suggest a different idea (I don't think it's original with me, but I don't recall where I've seen it). A biological asymmetry between man and woman makes maternity absolutely certain (the mother is the one from whose body the infant emerges), but leaves paternity in doubt (clearly, a- our laws were established long before paternity could be tested in a laboratory, b - even today, there is no laboratory result that is 100% certain, c - even if a husband is shown with certaintly not to be a child's biological father he may yet be obligated towards the father in every way - say, if he agreed to his wife's being artificially inseminated with a mixture of his semen and that of another man). (Why Hashem made humans this way would take us too far afield at the moment. Please note that, according to most poskim, even today, when the mother who carries and gives birth to the child might not be its genetic mother, yet she is the halakhic mother; as in many issues it is not unseen facts of physics, biology and botany that determine halakha.) This makes it impossible - or at least very difficult - to impose family obligations on a man towards his children, and on children towards their father, when a marital relation can be created and broken at will by either of the parents, so that it is easy for father or children to deny the existence of any connection between them. (An egalitarian relationship that can be broken at will by either side is possible not only for non-Jews, but also for Jews, at least according to basic Torah law, according to those many rishonim who held that the pilegesh (concubine) relationship is halachically legitimate, - although it is ill advised). How could one know who stands in a father-child relationship? Perhaps, since Hashem wanted the family bond to be at the foundation of Jewish life, as it is to this very day, it was necessary to create a family arrangement in which the woman's bond to the man is characterized by her willingly giving up her right to be with another man, and granting the man the exclusive right to return this right to her (as long as he is alive). This giving up of the right to cancel her commitment of faithfulness to the man is called "transferring a 'woman's right' to the man" - as if it were a kinyan of a legal right - note Rashi and Tosafot at the beginning of masechet Kiddushin, who defines the kinyan effected in kiddusin precisely in these terms. The penalties for violating this undertaking by the woman are very severe. These two facts (the asymmetry of a woman's undertaking in kiddushin and the severe sanctions for violating it) - in contrast to the egalitarian non-Jewish arrangement, and in contrast to pilagshut, are the underpinning of Jewish family life. Indeed, I have suggested that it is just for this reason that the Mishnah in the first chapter of kiddushin presents, immediately after speaking of the kinyan of kiddushin and other kinyanim, the lists of a father's duties towards his children and of children's duties towards their father. These are possible only within a framework defined by kiddushin, and not by anything less. 2 - Chana suggests that rabbis cannot be held responsible for the current mesorevet get crisis because it is dictated by Hashem through the Torah law that requires that a man give a get of his own free will. That would be all well and good, were it not for the fact that the Torah's requirement of free will is only at the very moment of the formal ceremonial act of divorce (that is, the double act of writing and of delivering the get). Thus if a man were bound hand and foot and others manipulated his limbs against his will to write and deliver a get, the get would be disqualified by Torah law. However, when the formal ((two acts of) divorce seems for all intents and purposes to be done willingly (indeed, the very acts of writing and delivering seem to attest by themselves to the freedom of the formal act), one would seem to have no choice but to recognize the validity of the divorce. Thus the problem arises as to how to relate to a get written and delivered with no apparent IMMEDIATE coercion at the moment of the ceremony, yet where coercion was applied PRIOR to the formal ceremony. Clearly if every such get were to be accepted as valid, the brutality of "the wild West" would pale compared to that of our Jewish world. For this and several other reasons, over many centuries our sages developed an intricate system for measuring and defining degrees of freedom and of unacceptable versus acceptable pressures prior to a formal divorce. I have written about this at great length in the above-mentioned dissertation (350 pages). Today our poskim are highly concerned about tampering with this system, for all its parts are tied together in one whole. So solutions to the "aguna" problem do require both creativity and caution. I wrote very briefly about a long list of proposed solutions in my article in Tehumin volume 21. Thus rabbis may be less responsible for the intractability of today's problem than many like to suggest (sometimes one gets the impression that all of Jewish society's unresolved ill are the rabbis' fault!), but not for the reason Chana suggests. 3 - One returns to the general philosophical question as to whether Hashem could have given a Torah that would create unsolvable problems for some people. I failed to be brief enough above, so here let me just point to the Rambam's statement (and others agree) that the Torah's laws - like all laws - are designed to work well "for the majority". That means there will always be some who are hurt by the law. This is the rationale behind the more general requirement to do all one can to solve the problems the law inevitably creates for some individuals (or large minority groups). In most cases, the solution cannot be spelled out in advance within the law; good minded people - and rabbis - must work hard (preferably in cooperation) to find the solutions. I believe many such people - and rabbis - are doing their utmost in the case of the "aguna - mesorevet get" problem. This is an especially difficult problem, with many aspects, and different people are working on different aspects. It seems to me unreasonable to expect that some single-dimensional act would solve all aspects of the problem at once. David Mescheloff ---------------------------------------------------------------------- From: Chana Luntz <chana@...> Date: Thu, 14 Jun 2007 18:26:20 +0100 Subject: RE: Agunot/Msorevet Leget Joseph Kaplan writes: > Chana Luntz's lengthy reply to my reply to her response (are > you with me still) is, as always, scholarly and perceptive. > Although I feel a little out of my depth, let me try to respond: > > "But isn't all that predicated on the assumption that it is > really a problem they [the rabbis] have created, and if they > really truly tried, they could do something to fix the problem?" > > There are two different points in that question. As to the > first, I don't believe the rabbis created the problem. > Rather, the problem was created when the following two basic > changes occurred in the societies in which Jews lived, thus > making a workable system much more problematic: (a) Jews no > longer had their own judicial system in which they could > force a man to give a get (makin oso ad she'omer rotzeh ani; > the court beats him until he agrees to give the get), The problem with this frequently cited reason is that, according to the halacha as it has been decided by the Shulchan Aruch, no court would beat him until he agrees to give a get in the vast majority of cases that constitute msorevet l'get. Just to make sure we have at least a basis in the sources here - the power of a beis din to force a man to give a get can be found in Even HaEzer siman 134 si'if 5 - which I will translate in full (with explanations in square brackets, otherwise you will lose the whole context): 134:5 That which it is not [considered a valid] get when he is forced [anus] this is only where he has served notice [previously that the get was given under duress] but if he has not served notice if he is forced improperly [shelo k'din] it is invalid [posul] but properly [k'din] like where he is required to send her out [chayav l'hotzei] and does not want to and beis din forces him until he he sends her out it is a get and it is a mitzvah on every beis din in all places and in all times to force him to divorce and to nullify notices [of duress]." However, as you can see clearly from this - the get is only considered valid if the forcing is legitimate [k'din] - which is explained to mean where he is chayav to send her away. However, most cases of msorevet l'get are not generally considered to be cases where he is chayav to divorce her (a case where he is chayav to divorce her, he must divorce her whether she wants it or not - eg on adultery). Most cases of msorevet haget fall within the category of "maus alai" [he is repulsive to me] and the din for that as set out in the Shulchan Aruch can be seen from the section in Even HaEzer siman 77. Mostly this section is dealing with a moredes (or mored), which I have previously explained, is a woman (or man) who refuses to have sexual relations with her husband (or wife) in order to cause him (her) pain. But in the course of that section, in si'if 2, in describing a woman whose husband has brought her to beis din claiming she is refusing to have relations with him - the beis din asks her why she does not wish to have relations, and if she says that the reason is that she finds herself unable to, she is not considered a moredes, but the Shulchan Aruch goes on "v'im rotze habaal l'garesha ain la k'tuba" [and if the husband wants he can divorce her without a ketuba] and the commentators all say on this "im rotze" [if he wants]- (I am quoting the beis Shmuel here, but it is a general comment) but we do not force him and it is not like the opinion of the Rambam and the Rashba" [because, as we all know, the Rambam says that a beis din can indeed force the husband in a case where she says maus alai]. The reason we get to this position is, as I have indicated, linked to a tosphos in kesubos 63b which we can go into if you like, but it is based on a complex analysis of several sugyas in the gemora. But the bottom line conclusion is that the various sugyas do not make sense if one is to say that a beis din can just force a man to give a get if a woman says maos alai. The key thing to understand is that, even were we to return to a situation where the Jews had their own judicial system, no beis din, today, is likely to force a man to give a get in a pure maus alai situation by hitting him until he says rotze ani. That is because, it is difficult to find a beis din who is going to posken with the Rambam against the Shulchan Aruch, which is what you are asking him to do. There are some who have proposed half way houses between these two positions, by saying that if one can show objectively that the person really is repulsive in some way, ie the beis din agrees that this person really is maus, then maybe then they will (it answers some of the objections of Tosphos). Does this satisfy your sense that there is no inherent problem? And as I said, it seems pretty clear that all of this is understood in halacha to be a deviation from what existed, pre the giving of the Torah. That is, the underlying and original arrangements for marriage were equitable, and involved marriage by moving in and divorce by moving out, and the Torah changed it to an arrangement whereby the power to dissolve a marriage was fundamentally shifted into the hands of the husband, necessitating a beis din to, at least in some cases, step in and beat a husband to a pulp, and in many others for it to be bound by the halacha not to do so, even should we have our own judicial system. Is this really such an ideal system, and better than the one that it replaced? If yes, why? > and (b) civil divorce came into existence. So now we have a problem > that we really didn't have before. While it is true that today we have a civil divorce system, something that is indeed new - I am not totally sure why that, in and of itself makes a difference. If everybody were religious and devoted to the halacha, and nobody married out, then I would have thought that the civil divorce system would be neither here nor there. I think rather what you are identifying is that we have a civil society, and a lot of people do not really live within the halachic society but the civil society, and hence disapproval of their actions or non actions from within halachic society cuts no ice. That certainly exascerbates the problem - although presumably there are (at least in theory) just as many women who escape into civil society and ignore the get issue as there are men who escape giving the get - however (i) if this is all divinely mandated, surely the Torah would have seen, when it changed the marriage arrangements, that at certain times in our history civil societies are going to arise, giving rise to men who can escape societal pressures, and women who can decide that civil society and mamzerim for children is the way to go; and (ii) it does not change any of what is said above regarding lack of power of beis din even where we have a fully halachic society. > And finally, with respect to your last point -- your "tentative > hypothesis . . . that the sort of man who is willing to deliberately > withhold a get from his wife, is or may well be the sort of man who, > if he did not have this weapon to wield against her, might well be > likely to murder her" -- I simply cannot accept that this was > halacha's (or God's) purpose. And one (but only one) of the reasons > that I cannot accept that hypothesis is that, at one point in our > history, we were able to force men to divorce their wives, the way > civil courts can force men to do so today. Halacha did not seem > concerned at that time that men who were physically coerced by a bet > din would then kill their (ex) wives on the "if I can't have her, > nobody will" theory. And if it wasn't true then, I don't see why it > should be true now. But, as I have tried to show above, the discussion above seems to be based on a wrong assumption. While it does seem that the geonim and the courts in Sfarad up to and including the time of the Rambam (and, I believe, including later courts in Yemen, following the Rambam) did indeed force a man as you suggest, this was not something done in Ashkenaz, and it was something that IIRC the Rosh was keen to put a stop to when he came across it, due to the view of Tosphos (and a position subsequently adopted in Sefarad as well, as can be demonstrated by the Shulchan Aruch, leaving only the Temanim as possible inheritors of the Rambam's position). I don't see any way of escaping from this. And I don't really understand how what seems to me to be a myth of a beis din's ability to force, should it have a society in which it has the power to do so, has been so widely and successfully promolgated, to the point that you are not willing to look at the underlying issues that arise out of the very nature of the marriage and divorce relationship because you are convinced of the existence of this power. Don't we first and foremost need to understand precisely what the issues are? Regards Chana ---------------------------------------------------------------------- From: Joseph Kaplan <penkap@...> Date: Thu, 14 Jun 2007 14:22:00 -0400 Subject: Re: Agunot/Msorevet Leget I now know I'm out of my depth, but, nonetheless, basing myself just what Chana Lunz writes regarding whether a bet din has the power to beat a man to giver his wife a get, I think she overstates matters somewhat. She explains that "the bottom line conclusion is that the various sugyas do not make sense if one is to say that a beis din can just force a man to give a get if a woman says maos alai." But then she teaches us that the Rambam and the Rashba, not insignificant rishonim, say that a bet din can coerce the giving of a get in a maus alai situation. I assume that they must deal with the sugyot in some way that they do make sense. So it seems to me to be more of a machloket rather than sugyot simply not making sense. In addition, towards the end of her analysis, she refers to the "myth of a beis din's ability to force" the giving of a get, but she also refers to the practice of the geonim, Sfarad until the time of the Rambam, and Yemen of having courts force the giving of a get, which makes the use of the word "myth" problematic. But putting these lomdush issues aside -- and I certainly bow to her greater halachic knowledge in these matters -- I do have a question. According to Chana's analysis, the nature of marriage changed when the Torah was given. If that's so, why has the issue of msorevet get arisen in full force only in the recent times? -- the question I was addressing. One answer might be, my assumption is wrong; Judaism has always had this problem; it's not new. But if that is the case, then the problem should be documented by discussions of it in responsa and other halachic literature. However, from my reading of secondary sources on these issues I'm not aware of any extensive discussion in such primary halachic literature, although I am certainly open to be educated. But if my assumption is right, but Chana is also right that my reasons are wrong, then why did this problem arise only in recent times? Chana's posts do not, I believe, deal with that issue, and I, for one, would be very interested in what she believes is the reason. Joseph Kaplan ----------------------------------------------------------------------
End of Volume 55 Issue 2